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Digital technologies have already revolutionised the way companies do business – enabling them to reach a wider consumer base, trade more efficiently and cost-effectively, and to connect and grow their workforce across different regions of the world, sharing the benefits of prosperity. They have also been at the heart of how many of us have accessed services, purchased goods, kept in touch with loved ones or entertained ourselves over the last year, as the pandemic has illustrated just how important access to digital trade has become.

Digital trade is rapidly becoming the dominant form of trade. It has allowed British businesses selling goods or providing services to take what were previously local markets to a global scale. British companies providing innovative, high-quality digital services are continuing to expand around the world, from music streaming, video games and our award-winning creative industries to our strong legal and professional services sector. This is fundamental to our prosperity – in 2019, the digital sector alone contributed approximately £151 billion to the British economy, employing almost 5% of the national workforce.

Yet we cannot be complacent and simply wait for these opportunities to come to us. The road to our digital future is littered with potential barriers, whether in the form of poor digital infrastructure, the rising tide of digital protectionism, or the persistence of paper-based systems from the past. The international order has so far struggled to keep up with the pace of change, with the global rulebook on digital trade still largely unwritten. Digital trade needs champions who will make the case for a free, open and competitive international digital economy underpinned by bodog casino common rules on digital trade that promote growth and the free flow of data, while also protecting businesses and individuals.

My vision is for the UK to be one of those champions and a global leader in digital trade, building a global network of next-generation trade deals that drive productivity, jobs, and growth in all areas of the country, and across all sectors of the economy. We are already the second-largest services exporter in the world, meaning that we are ideally positioned to take advantage of this new way of doing business. We have highly competitive, world-leading digital and services sectors, the third highest rate of technology investment globally, exceptional talent, and a wide range of innovative businesses and start-ups using digital technologies to develop new products and sell them to worldwide markets. Digitalisation of global trade can also help turbocharge our goods exports, worth £372 billion in 2019. Our leadership can help ensure that digital trade enhances prosperity, uplifts communities, and empowers women not only in the UK but globally, including in developing countries.

Embracing the opportunities that digital trade offers will keep us at the forefront of the technological revolution, ensuring we lead the way in digital trade and capitalising on the benefits this can provide for Britain, for our trading partners, and for the world.

The Rt Hon Anne-Marie Trevelyan MP

President of the Board of Trade and Secretary of State for International Trade

To read the full report from The U.K. Board of Trade, please click here.

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The global economy is increasingly digitalized. Oxford Economics estimated that in 2016 the digital economy accounted for 22.5 percent of global gross domestic product (GDP). Going forward, analysts at the research firm IDC have estimated that as much as 60 percent of global GDP will be digitalized (meaning largely impacted by the introduction of digital tools) by 2022. Countries that wish to successfully compete in the global digital economy must cultivate workforces possessing the requisite digital skills so that industries, enterprises, and even individuals can thrive in the digital environment. This report explores the state of digital skills across the U.S. economy, examining what they are, why they matter, the current extent of workforce digitalization, and how the United States fares in international digital skills comparisons. It concludes by providing a brief overview of some of the best practices and programs being introduced by nonprofit, academic, and corporate organizations to deepen the U.S. digital skills base and suggesting policy recommendations to further foster U.S. digital skills development.

To read the full report from the Information Technology & Innovation Foundation, please click here.

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To read the full report from the Center for Strategic & International Studies, please click here.

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To read the full report from the Peterson Institute for International Economics, please click here.

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Services constitute at least a quarter of total trade. Between 2009 and 2019 global services trade increased by nearly 50%, compared to 18% for goods trade. Yet it is rarely taken as seriously as goods in global trade policy discourse. This is a problem when making the case for trade.

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Nigel Cory (@NigelCory) is an associate director covering trade policy at ITIF. He focuses on cross-border data flows, data governance, and intellectual property, and how they each relate to digital trade and the broader digital economy.

Luke Dascoli is the economic and technology policy research assistant at ITIF. He was previously a research assistant in the MDI Scholars Program at the McCourt School of Public Policy’s Massive Data Institute. He holds a B.A. in Political Economy from Georgetown University.

To read the original research report from the Information Technology & Innovation Foundation, please visit here

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When US President Joe Biden met EU leaders in Brussels in June, one of the most important things they agreed was that there should be increased transatlantic co-operation on technology policy. They announced the creation of the Trade and Technology Council (TTC) – a new forum for discussion on technology standards and governance – and a formal dialogue on the thorny issue of competition in technology markets. Biden’s attention to digital issues, his willingness to work with the EU, and his stated commitment to shared values in the digital sphere are a relief to the EU after the Trump years. Europeans are also cautiously optimistic about resolving the dispute over digital services taxes, after the G7 agreed to amend international tax treaties to ensure digital giants can be bodog poker review forced to pay tax in the countries where they make sales. 

The fanfare about greater co-operation should be greeted with a degree of scepticism, however. Many past attempts at transatlantic policy co-ordination – such as the New Transatlantic Agenda, the Transatlantic Economic Council, and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) – sputtered out with little achieved. In some cases, these initiatives even caused major rifts in domestic politics on both sides of the Atlantic. The joint EU-US statement announcing the TTC and the competition dialogue suggests that Europe should not get carried away. For example, the statement contains little detail about how these dialogues will work in practice, reportedly because of internal disagreements on both sides about basic procedural details.

To read the full report from the Centre for European Reform (CER), please click here. 

Image from the Centre for European Reform.

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In this policy brief, we take a closer look at why some European countries have imposed DSTs but not others. The argument from countries that have introduced these taxes are that firms supplying digital services are not paying enough in tax. That may be true, but there is surely a richer explanation behind the fact that Austria, France, Italy, Spain, and the UK have introduced DSTs – but not other countries in Europe.

Other countries may be waiting for the result of the OECD talks about broader changes to corporate income taxation – and perhaps they are prepared to introduce their variant of a DST in the future. Still, what might be the reason these countries did not join forces with other European countries that went for the DST? Indeed, why did many of non-DST countries take a sceptical view of the EU proposal to have a Europe-wide agreement on taxing digital services? Are there explanations that are anchored in the relative competitiveness of countries?

To read the full policy brief from the European Centre for International Political Economy (ECIPE), please click here.

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