Bodog Poker|Welcome Bonus_African Continental Free Trade Agreement Archives - WITA.3 trillion, the TFTA /atp-research-topics/african-continental-free-trade-agreement/ Fri, 08 Jul 2022 18:11:46 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.6.1 /wp-content/uploads/2018/08/android-chrome-256x256-80x80.png Bodog Poker|Welcome Bonus_African Continental Free Trade Agreement Archives - WITA.3 trillion, the TFTA /atp-research-topics/african-continental-free-trade-agreement/ 32 32 Bodog Poker|Welcome Bonus_Understanding the African Continental Free Trade Area and how the US can Promote its Success.3 trillion, the TFTA /atp-research/afcfta-us-can-promote/ Tue, 17 May 2022 14:04:31 +0000 /?post_type=atp-research&p=34087 Thank you very much, Chair Karen Bass, Ranking Member Christopher Smith, and distinguished members of the subcommittee, for your extraordinary leadership on U.S.-Africa relations. I am incredibly honored by and...

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Thank you very much, Chair Karen Bass, Ranking Member Christopher Smith, and distinguished members of the subcommittee, for your extraordinary leadership on U.S.-Africa relations. I am incredibly honored by and grateful for the opportunity offered to me by the members of this committee to testify on “Understanding the African Continental Free Trade Area and How the U.S. Can Promote its Success.” I am Landry Signé, Managing Director and Professor at the Thunderbird School of Global Management, Senior Fellow at the Brookings Institution’s Africa Growth Initiative, Distinguished Fellow at Stanford University’s Center for African Studies, and a member of the World Economic Forum’s Regional Action Group on Africa, and the World Economic Forum’s Global Future Council on Agile Governance.

The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) was signed in March 2018, ratified by the required number of countries by May 2019, and came into force in January 2021.

The significance of the AfCFTA cannot be overstated. It is the world’s largest new free trade area since the establishment of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1994. It promises to increase intra-African trade through deeper levels of trade liberalization and enhanced regulatory harmonization and coordination. Moreover, it is expected to improve the competitiveness of African industry and enterprises through increased market access, the exploitation of economies of scale, and more effective resource allocation.

My research has shown that the AfCFTA—and its accompanying increased market access—can significantly grow manufacturing and industrial development, tourism, intra-African cooperation, economic transformation, and the relationship between Africa and the rest of the world. In fact, under a successfully implemented AfCFTA, Africa will have a combined consumer and business spending of $6.7 trillion by 2030 and $16.12 trillion by 2050, creating a unique opportunity for people and businesses —and meaning the region can be the next big market for American goods and services.

UNECA has predicted that by 2040 implementation of the AfCFTA will raise intra-African trade by 15 to 25 percent, or $50 billion to $70 billion. The World Bank estimates that the AfCFTA will lift 30 million people out of extreme poverty and substantially increase the income of 68 million people who are just slightly above the poverty line. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) similarly projects that, under the AfCFTA, Africa’s expanded and more efficient goods and labor markets will significantly increase the continent’s overall ranking on the Global Competitiveness Index.

Although there is a great momentum behind the agreement, its successful implementation is dependent on smart choices and thoughtful policy options. The United States can and should play an extraordinary role in promoting the AfCFTA’s success to increase intracontinental and global trade, as well as achieve mutual African and U.S. prosperity.

In this testimony, I will first briefly examine a few challenges to trade in Africa and their consequences for the continent’s development. Second, I will explain why the AfCFTA can constitute a solution to these challenges. Finally, I will discuss how smart U.S. foreign policy and assistance (both financial and technical) can promote its success in increasing intracontinental and global trade.

Landry-Signe-Testimony-April-27-2022

To read the full testimony from Brookings, please click here.

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Bodog Poker|Welcome Bonus_The African Continental Free Trade Area: Opportunities for India.3 trillion, the TFTA /atp-research/african-free-trade-opportunities/ Mon, 07 Feb 2022 20:04:49 +0000 /?post_type=atp-research&p=32195 Unlike in other regions of the world, the value of intra-Africa trade has remained low over the years. Moreover, Africa accounts for just 2 percent of global trade. In 2021,...

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Unlike in other regions of the world, the value of intra-Africa trade has remained low over the years. Moreover, Africa accounts for just 2 percent of global trade. In 2021, African countries launched the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), which aims to create a single African market for the free movement of goods, services, labour, and capital, and increase intra-African trade. AfCFTA may be able to provide Indian firms and investors certain opportunities to tap into a larger, unified, and robust African market. This paper outlines those opportunities, and the concomitant challenges that need to be addressed in order for India to integrate with the African economy.

A free trade agreement allows for duty-free trade within a specified area, and members set their own tariffs on imports from non-members. The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) adopts a broader notion that includes non-tariff barriers as well, defining a free trade area as “a grouping of countries within which tariffs and non-tariff trade barriers between the members are generally abolished but with no common trade policy toward non-members.” Countries in geographical proximity often enter into preferential trade agreements that allow member countries outside the boundaries of sovereign nations both market access and non-discriminatory treatment, among other facilities.

The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), for example, is a free trade area between the United States (US), Mexico, and Canada; the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Free Trade Area is an arrangement between the ten ASEAN member states; the South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA) is the free trade arrangement of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC); and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) is an agreement between 54 out of 55 African Union members.

This paper focuses on the AfCFTA. It outlines the benefits of the AfCFTA and weighs such potential against the challenges. It then discusses how India can harness the potential of the agreement.

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To read the full report by the Observer Research Foundation, please click here.

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Bodog Poker|Welcome Bonus_THE AFRICAN CONTINENTAL FREE TRADE AREA: TOWARD A NEW LEGAL MODEL FOR TRADE AND DEVELOPMENT FORTHCOMING 51 Geo. J. Int’l L. 4 (2020).3 trillion, the TFTA /atp-research/the-african-continental-free-trade-area/ Fri, 01 May 2020 19:09:42 +0000 /?post_type=atp-research&p=25985 International trade law is at a turning point, and the rules as we know them are being broken, rewritten, and reshaped at all levels. At the same time that institutions...

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International trade law is at a turning point, and the rules as we know them are being broken, rewritten, and reshaped at all levels. At the same time that institutions like the World Trade Organization (WTO) face significant change and a global pandemic challenges the rules of the market, Africa’s new mega-regional trade agreement, the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), is emerging as a promising framework for redesigning international economic law. As this Article will argue, the AfCFTA presents a new normative approach to trade and development that is positioned to rewrite the rules in a more inclusive and equitable way and, over time, possibly affect global trade well beyond the African continent.

Historically, trade and development have been linked through the framework of Special and Differential Treatment (S&D), which has been a central feature of the WTO and is increasingly shaping regional trade agreements (RTAs) as well. Although the connection between trade and development is more important than ever before, traditional S&D is not positioned to deliver on broader priorities of social and economic development in the current international climate. Fortunately, as this Article will argue, Africa’s approach under the new AfCFTA sets the stage for a needed refresh of S&D. While the AfCFTA incorporates traditional aspects of S&D, it also includes elements of a forward-looking, rules-based approach to further economic and social development and advance the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). This new dimension of S&D holds great potential for promoting integration through trade, representing the needs of a diverse group of countries in the rulemaking process, and reshaping international economic law more broadly to generate positive development outcomes.

This Article begins with an assessment of the AfCFTA as an alternative model for trade and development law, evaluating the agreement in the historical and evolving context of S&D and examining its role in shaping a new normative approach to S&D. The AfCFTA, we argue, represents a shift from using S&D as a largely defensive trade approach to one that positions S&D as an affirmative tool for achieving sustainable development through the design and implementation of the rules of trade themselves, while still maintaining flexibility for countries that need it. This new approach may finally replace the old trade paradigm of the “haves and have nots” with a system in which trade rules can be designed to benefit all.

Although the AfCFTA is still at an early stage and will have to overcome formidable challenges, this Article provides an initial assessment of the AfCFTA’s proactive new model in the context of the substantive areas of law identified as next-stage (Phase II) negotiating priorities: intellectual property rights (IPR), investment, and competition law. The Article’s comparative assessment draws upon the laws of African nations, African and international RTAs, and other proposals for international legal reform.

Finally, the Article looks to the future, positing that the AfCFTA could be the best legal instrument available to break the stalemate in international rulemaking, design new trade law approaches to pressing issues like global health and food security, and close the loop between trade rules and development goals, including the seventeen SDGs. As the AfCFTA is rolled out and implemented, it could have a profound impact on trade and development law, reshaping the rules for Africa and perhaps the world as well.

To read the original piece, please click here 

Kuhlmann_AgutuCLEAN_27September2020

Katrin Kuhlmann is a Visiting Professor of Law at Georgetown University Law Center and the President and Founder of the New Markets Lab.

Akinyi Lisa Agutu is a recent Master of Laws (LL.M.) graduate in International bodog online casino Business and Economic Law at Georgetown University Law Center and a graduate of Strathmore University, Nairobi, Kenya. 

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Bodog Poker|Welcome Bonus_Identifying regional trade potential between selected countries in the African tripartite free trade area.3 trillion, the TFTA /atp-research/identifying-regional-trade-potential-between-selected-countries-in-the-african-tripartite-free-trade-area/ Wed, 19 Feb 2020 17:16:43 +0000 /?post_type=atp-research&p=19704 African countries are separated by more than 100 bilateral borders, which constrain trade and economic integration among these states. However, African governments have offered much support for regional trade and...

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African countries are separated by more than 100 bilateral borders, which constrain trade and economic integration among these states. However, African governments have offered much support for regional trade and integration, embracing it as an important component of their development strategies (Hartzenberg 2011). As a result, Africa has 141 regional economic communities (RECs), of which several have notable overlapping memberships.

This has created a complex entanglement of political commitments and institutional requirements within the continent that has undermined regional integration. Moreover, it has complicated the coordination and harmonisation among African states in different RECs, causing counterproductive competition among them, with few success stories (Ndomo 2009). Only about 16% of Africa’s total exports is intra-regional, compared to 68% in Europe, 59% in Asia and 55% in America (UNCTAD 2019).

Africa could nevertheless soon witness an important milestone on its path towards increased trade integration with the implementation of the Tripartite Free Trade Agreement (TFTA). Covering 26 countries, representing almost half the population of the continent and a total gross domestic product (GDP) of approximately $1.3 trillion, the TFTA has the potential to be an initiative with the broadest regional economic impact globally (United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [UNCTAD] 2017).

The TFTA will merge three of Africa’s existing RECs: the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). The main objective of the COMESA–EAC–SADC tripartite agreement is to strengthen and deepen economic integration in southern and eastern Africa by improving terms of trade, boosting infrastructure development and industrial growth, and addressing overlapping memberships among the RECs (Luke & Mabuza 2015).

However, realising an ambitious Free Trade Agreement (FTA), like the TFTA, is a multidimensional challenge. Building new infrastructure, confronting issues associated with overlapping memberships and streamlining regulations, customs and border procedures can be a lengthy process. Nonetheless, something needs to be done in the meantime to drive intra- African trade.

As outlined in the literature review, previous studies on the TFTA focused mostly on the impact and significance of the agreement for its member countries on a macroeconomic and sectoral level. This article however identifies, on a disaggregated product level, unexploited intra- regional trade opportunities that serve as low-hanging fruit for exporters and trade promotion entities to start exploring. This can potentially help policymakers to adopt a more practical approach in promoting intra-regional trade in Africa.


This article reports these intra-regional trade opportunities on an importer–product–exporter level in the TFTA region. We first outline the main elements of regional trade theory, the motivations for deeper integration and the status of economic partnerships and competitiveness in Africa. We then discuss our method in which filter 2 of the Decision Support Model (DSM) (Cuyvers, Steenkamp & Viviers 2012) is used, a market selection tool, applied for five consecutive years to identify consistently large and growing import demand potential in different TFTA countries.

The export supply side is added to the model by evaluating the export capacity of the different countries, also over a five- year period. The import demand and export supply are then matched to arrive at export country–product–import country combinations (referred to as matches) with regional trade potential. The use of this regional trade potential then is evaluated by considering actual exports between the identified importing and exporting counties over the period 2010–2014.

We identified a total of 334 matches among the 26 TFTA countries, from which 232 (70%) were newly recognised matched opportunities that are not being exploited at all. The top three product categories identified in these matches include foodstuffs, vegetable products and metals.

This analytical approach is unique for this purpose as it is applied within a regional context where 26 countries’ import demand and export supply are considered and clearly demonstrates the opportunities for increased intra-regional trade within Africa.

document

 

To view the full report, click here.

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Bodog Poker|Welcome Bonus_The Role of the AfDB and the Future of Africa.3 trillion, the TFTA /atp-research/role-of-afdb-future-of-africa/ Thu, 10 Oct 2019 15:17:46 +0000 /?post_type=atp-research&p=17843 Introduction The African Development Bank (AfDB) Group is one of the largest development institutions on the African continent, providing both financial support and technical advice to its 55-member countries. The...

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Introduction

The African Development Bank (AfDB) Group is one of the largest development institutions on the African continent, providing both financial support and technical advice to its 55-member countries. The AfDB has a distinct role that no other bilateral or multilateral development partner can match in generating relevant data and knowledge products, providing expert advice, and convening power to its members. As the region’s premier development bank, the AfDB is a trusted partner to many African countries.

Yet, the institution is operating in a regional environment that has evolved significantly in the past 30 years. Many Africans are richer, freer, and have more capable governments now than in the past. African governments have developed greater institutional capacity and many are now able to raise more of their own domestic resources via taxes and fees to pay for basic social services. The African private sector has also developed, supplying goods and services to markets and employing millions. Simultaneously, the continent is experiencing strong demographic growth that is set to continue for the next 50 years, putting pressure on countries to provide jobs and meaningful economic opportunities for youth. However, many problems, such as weak governance and pervasive corruption, persist, and the OECD classifies three- quarters of the countries in sub-Saharan Africa as fragile. In such a mixed development environment, institutions such as the AfDB need to offer a variety of solutions and approaches that are relevant to Africa’s needs.

The AfDB has strived to adapt to this changing environment by targeting sectors where its expertise and investment can become more catalytic. The institution is currently undergoing a series of internal changes and shifting its strategy. It is also in the process of seeking a seventh capital increase. This paper discusses the changing landscape in Africa, analyzes the existing priorities of the AfDB, and identifies areas where the AfDB should place more emphasis going forward. In this paper, we address the following questions: how is the AfDB currently using its resources to help Africa tackle its developmental challenges? What comparative advantage does the AfDB hold among development organizations in the region? How can it leverage this comparative advantage to help African nations respond to future challenges? These are key issues that the AfDB will need to tackle in the next decade.

The Changing Development Landscape in Africa: Current Achievements and Remaining Challenges

The environment in which the AfDB operates has changed dramatically since the late 1990s. The spread of democratization in Africa, combined with increased digitization and evolving demographics, has generated greater opportunities for private sector growth. At the same time, increased conflict and violence, pervasive corruption, a lack of good governance and rule of law, weak infrastructure development, and health challenges (such as chronic malnutrition and pandemic outbreaks) threaten to derail the progress to date.

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An encouraging sign for African economies is the spread of democracy over the last 30 years, which has created a more robust and involved citizenry. According to Freedom House’s “Freedom in the World 2019” ranking, approximately 61 percent of sub-Saharan African countries are “free” or “partly free” and 39 percent are “not free,” compared to 1990, when 40 percent were considered “free” or “partly free” and 60 percent “not free.” Democratization has enabled citizens to participate in elections and have a voice in the direction of their countries’ leadership. Citizens are increasingly demanding more from their governments and holding them accountable to promises of basic education, access to healthcare, and transparency.

Technology has contributed significantly to enabling democratic processes. In line with the freedoms that characterize democracy, today, more Africans can access the internet, use mobile phones, and share information with the world at large. The total sub-Saharan African population with internet access has almost tripled from 7 percent in 2010 to nearly 22 percent in 2017. Likewise, the number of cell phone subscriptions in sub-Saharan Africa has increased from 388 million in 2010 to 764 million in 2017, reflecting the relative affordability of cell phone plans and the increased purchasing power of consumers. By 2020, smartphones are expected to penetrate 50 percent of the market in Africa. McKinsey Global Institute estimated in 2013 that internet usage in sectors such as healthcare, retail, and agriculture could contribute $300 billion to the region’s GDP and more than $300 billion in productivity gains in key sectors by 2025.

The impact of the internet and cell phones will help magnify growth and prosperity in African economies. Africa will remain one of the most youthful regions worldwide in the years to come: children and youth (ages 0–24) will represent 50 percent of the total population by Bodog Poker 2050. This cohort contains the most prolific internet and cell phone users and will add millions more in the coming decades. However, a remaining challenge is that governments can manipulate many media outlets in some form to spread false information or even shut down the internet, as was the case in Uganda with President Museveni’s reelection. In 2019, African countries experiencing internet shutdowns included, Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo, Chad, Algeria, Benin, Eritrea, Mauritania, Liberia, and Somalia and most recently, Ethiopia.

Africa’s population will double from 1.2 billion people in 2015 to 2.5 billion people by 2050. With this expected population growth, an increase in purchasing power will present a new consumer base and create business opportunities for companies around the world that are looking to expand their reach to untapped markets. Africa’s middle-class population was estimated at around 350 million people in 2010, an increase of 130 million since 2000. It is projected that by 2030, most African countries will have majority middle- class populations—with greater purchasing power and improved overall livelihoods—with Ethiopia, Nigeria, and South Africa in the lead.

This demographic growth represents an opportunity to tap a large pool of human resources for entrepreneurship and the development of robust labor markets. With the right set of policies and investments, countries will be able to accelerate their growth and job creation. African nations will also be challenged to expand the provision of healthcare and education, infrastructure, public services, and reliable energy to their citizens. Governments will need support from organizations like the AfDB to ensure that their countries are pursuing the right policies to generate economic opportunities for their growing populations.

REMAINING CHALLENGES

Yet opportunities for progress in the continent are hampered by economic turmoil, political instability, and conflict. Of the 59 countries globally that the OECD labels as fragile contexts, 35 are in sub-Saharan Africa, representing 76 percent of the countries in this region.2 Instability coupled with few opportunities for economic mobility forced 36.1 million Africans to migrate in 2017. If these challenges are not addressed, the number of African migrants will continue to increase, putting pressure on the international community and host countries to integrate growing numbers of people and potentially disrupting the economic and political development of neighboring countries.

Additionally, weak governance and the absence of rule of law have often been cited as primary deterrents to private investment on the African continent, limiting economic and social development. On average, sub-Saharan African countries rank around the 30th percentile on the Worldwide Governance Indicators, with all indicators declining slightly in the last ten years.3 The main disincentives for investors are risks associated with unfavorable macroeconomic policies, political instability and pervasive corruption.The latest Corruption Perceptions Index presented an average score of 32 out of 100 for sub-Saharan Africa, lower than any other region assessed. The African Union has taken the initiative on this and declared 2018 as the African Year of Anti-Corruption. For private investment to occur, businesses require clear, predictable, transparent, and enforceable laws to provide stability and confidence. Hence, building strong institutions, upholding the rule of law, and fighting corruption must be top priorities for every development actor (multilateral and bilateral donors) involved.

Coupled with the “institutional infrastructure,” African governments will have to find ways to expand their hard infrastructure—roads, energy grids, water provision, and sanitation—to keep pace with a growing population. According to the AfDB’s estimates, the continent needs between $87 billion and $112 billion of additional financing for infrastructure annually to meet people’s needs. A main challenge within infrastructure is the lack of reliable energy generation for the region. Access to electricity has improved but remains feeble, with only 42 percent of sub-Saharan Africa with access in 2017. Public finance alone cannot close the funding gap and new sources of capital from the private sector (tapping both local and foreign savings) will be instrumental to achieving UN Sustainable Development Goal #9, which centers on building resilient infrastructure.

Finally, the health of the population presents a major challenge ahead. Sub-Saharan Africa has the highest proportion of undernourished people in the world—one in four are chronically hungry. The number of undernourished people in Africa rose from 200 million in 2015 to 224 million in 2016, mainly due to the proliferation of violent conflict and adverse climatic conditions. Population growth will mean more mouths to feed and will further aggravate the current situation. The effect on Africa’s wellbeing is crippling, as malnutrition often disproportionately affects children, stunting physical growth and cognitive development.

As was the case in the 2014 Ebola virus outbreak, poor public health infrastructure contributes to the proliferation of disease, while weak health systems and an inability to respond increases the difficulty of containing outbreaks. In addition to inadequate protective and disinfectant measures and insufficient treatment facilities, detection, isolation, and monitoring tools are also lacking on the continent. These factors are detrimental to effectively protecting the population against the outbreak of diseases, but the reigning fear among people during such crises also plays a role in the failure of containment.

The changes taking place in Africa require revisiting the kind of tools and approaches that the multilateral development bank (MDB) system, and in particular, the AfDB, deploys to help countries strengthen governance and rule of law, create meaningful job opportunities, and bolster the private sector. This includes rethinking and redefining how different development organizations work together and in partnership with African governments, what their comparative advantages are, and what changes are needed going forward.

The AfDB’s Current Role in Africa

Founded in 1964, the AfDB is comprised of three entities: the African Development Bank (ADB),  the African Development Fund (ADF), and the Nigeria Trust Fund (NTF). As the continent’s   premier multilateral development institution, the AfDB has a multifaceted role. The AfDB operates in 55 countries and has 35 country offices in Africa working on topics such as health, education, infrastructure, and natural resource governance. The AfDB provides loans and equity investments to its regional member countries based on various eligibility criteria. Beyond financial resources, the AfDB provides valuable assets, including data and knowledge, expert advice, and convening power.

In 2018, the AfDB approved a total of $7.1 billion (5.13 billion UA) in commitments, of which $2.3 billion (32 percent) was for non-sovereign operations.4 The AfDB’s largest programs (based on loan disbursements) in 2018 were in Egypt, Cameroon, Nigeria, Morocco, and Tunisia. The AfDB also provides technical assistance to governments to facilitate the development of projects and programs. As a key development actor in the region, the AfDB promotes public and private capital investment for development. Lastly, regional member countries can access the AfDB’s expertise when designing development policies.

The ownership structure of the AfDB is skewed towards regional shareholders, pulling the institution in different directions and potentially making it more difficult for the AfDB to set priorities in the continent.

As of February 2019, 11 of the top 20 shareholders were regional members, representing 41 percent of the vote, while the total percentage of the vote held by non-regional members has consistently been around 31 percent. The United States is the largest non-regional shareholder in the AfDB, accounting for 6.6 percent of total shares.


Source: “Distribution of Voting Power by Executive Director Statement of Voting Power as at 31 July 2018,” African Development Bank, ht
tps://www.afdb.org/en/documents/document/afdb-statement-of-voting-powers-as-at-31-july-2018-103833.

ACHIEVING THE AFDB’S STRATEGIC PRIORITIES

The AfDB is currently implementing a 10-year strategy for 2013–2022, focused on two objectives: i) inclusive growth and ii) green growth for Africa, which means prosperity that is more equally shared and meets the needs of present generations without compromising the wellbeing of future generations. This also involves considering social, economic, and environmental aspects in the development of countries. To achieve these objectives, the AfDB has set five operational priorities (infrastructure development, regional economic integration, private sector development, governance and accountability strengthening, and skills and technology training) and three areas of special emphasis (fragile states, gender, and agriculture and food security).

In 2016, the AfDB revised its 2013–2022 strategy and operational priorities to include the “High 5 Goals”, which are five priority areas intended to align the AfDB’s strategy with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs):
 

  1. Light Up and Power Africa,
  2. Feed Africa,
  3. Industrialize Africa,
  4. Integrate Africa, and
  5. Improve the Quality of Life for the People of Africa.

The “High 5 Goals” were followed by a disbursement of $6.6 billion (4.37 billion UA) for 2018, of which 75 percent was for non-sovereign operations. These numbers are similar to the World Bank’s (IBRD and IDA), which in 2018 disbursed $8.9 billion in Africa. In 2018, Light Up and Power Africa operations totaled $1.9 billion (1.39 billion UA), and Feed Africa operations totaled $1.8 billion (1.3 billion UA), followed by $2.2 billion (1.61 bodog online casino billion UA) in approvals for Industrialize Africa projects, which represented a 15 percent increase from 2017 funding levels.

The challenge with the “High 5 Goals” is that sectoral priorities are being readjusted to fit in each of these categories (Box 1). For example, “Improving the Quality of Life for the People of Africa” can encompass education, health, infrastructure, and other large sectors of the AfDB, thus leading to rebranding projects in these sectors to fit under this priority. The problem with reshaping programs to fit under these categories is that the project then turns to trying to answer to the AfDB’s requirements rather than focusing on the needs of constituents on the ground. The five priorities should have stricter categorical demarcations to ensure that these priorities are more explicitly focused.


BOX 1: AFDB’S HIGH 5 GOALS

The AfDB has made a long-lasting impact in Africa by concentrating on key sectors that lack adequate investment, such as infrastructure. For instance, transportation has been and remains a priority: since its creation in 1964, the AfDB has given $30 billion in transportation loans and grants, financed 450 different projects in this sector, and impacted the lives of 450 million Africans. To achieve strategic investment in key sectors, the AfDB has developed a series of strategic priorities and operational strategies. The “High 5 Goals,” five priority areas integrated into the AfDB’s strategy in 2016 to further the SDGs, are the AfDB’s latest strategic priorities and have led to significant improvements in energy access, food security, industrialization, connectivity, and quality of life.

Light Up and Power Africa

One of the AfDB’s focuses is on providing modern, adequate, and affordable energy systems to meet the considerable African energy challenge through its Light Up and Power Africa initiative. The AfDB’s New Deal on Energy for Africa aims to bring universal access to energy to Africa by 2025 using on- and off-grid solutions. The New Deal on Energy for Africa focuses on several themes that hinder development in the energy sector, including creating an enabling policy environment, accelerating regional projects, and increasing the number of bankable energy projects. In 2017, Light Up and Power Africa brought electricity access to 4.4 million people, and ensured that 570,000 people had new electricity connections in 2018. Additionally, 100 percent of the AfDB’s new lending on energy in 2017 was in renewables, up from 74 percent in 2016 and 14 percent in 2015. These investments will bring electricity to an additional 3.8 million people.

Feed Africa

Energy will be a critical component to helping African nations address challenges related to food shortages and agricultural productivity challenges. Through the Feed Africa program, which the AfDB committed $1.2 billion in 2017, allowing 19 million people to access improved agricultural technologies. Feed Africa’s objective is to scale up agribusiness in 18 key agricultural commodity value chains. One of the key initiatives is Technologies for African Agricultural Transformation (TAAT), which provides “proven agricultural and food processing technologies and implementation strategies for inclusion within the Bank’s loans to Regional Member Countries (RMCs).” The United States and other donors continue to finance operations in humanitarian assistance related to food crises primarily in fragile or conflict-affected states; as new technologies and agricultural processes are utilized, supported through initiatives like the one described above, they could support neighboring states in fragile contexts. Furthermore, investing in agricultural productivity in a resource-rich environment can help enhance a country’s ability to provide for its own population and also begin to develop trade relationships with other nations.

Industrialize Africa

If countries want to increase their agricultural exports, they may look to industrial food production to produce in-demand crops in large quantities to sell to different markets globally. Moreover, financing industrialization will be important to help businesses get off the ground and build value chains, not only for agriculture but other sectors, too. In 2017, the Industrialize Africa initiative, as part of the “High 5 Goals” at the AfDB, provided access to financial services for 210,000 small businesses, and in 2018, enabled 1.2 million people to benefit from private sector investment projects. Building access to finance for small businesses can help stimulate job growth and nurture the economy. Industrialize Africa’s goal is to help raise Africa’s industrial GDP by 130 percent, from $2.2 trillion to $4.6 trillion, by 2025. Making progress on these goals will be critical to boost economic development in the region.

Integrate Africa

As part of the goal to increase trade volumes to global markets, countries within Africa should also develop their own networks. Another initiative known as Integrate Africa has a goal to achieve regional integration, which is crucial to Africa’s economic transformation. The AfDB supports connecting Africa, through trade and the movements of people. In 2018, Integrate Africa helped improve access to transport to 14 million people and helped build or rehabilitate 312 kilometers of cross-border roads. In 2018, approvals for Integrate Africa amounted to $1.1 billion (783 million UA), of which 79 percent was invested in multinational transport projects. Furthermore, the Continental Free Trade Area (CFTA)—created and signed by 44 of the 55 African Union nations—will be an important opportunity to support this goal.

Improve the Quality of Life

The final of the “High 5 Goals”—Improving the Quality of Life for the People of Africa—encompasses a wide array of topics, such as education, health, access to water, labor market opportunities, and others where the AfDB believes sufficient progress has not been made. This priority area will provide safe water and sanitation to 20 million people moving forward and create 1.2 million jobs. In 2018, $3.3 billion (2.38 billion UA) was approved for this program, allowing 8.2 million people to receive access to improved water and sanitation.


THE AFDB’S ROLE VIS-À-VIS OTHER DEVELOPMENT ORGANIZATIONS IN THE REGION

The AfDB operates with other major development partners in the region, including the World Bank Group, the United States, the European Union, and increasingly Russia and China—the latter primarily through the Chinese government, but also through the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and the New Development Bank (NDB) (Figure 2). The financial commitments China and the World Bank provide are much higher than what the AfDB can finance. However, the AfDB has a variety of valuable tools to deploy beyond financing, including data and knowledge, expert advice, and convening power. In addition, it provides technical assistance, crowds in private capital by developing catalytic partnerships, and offers flexible country-specific financial options.

Source: China Africa Research Initiative (2002–2017), World Bank Group Annual Reports (2002–2018), AfDB Annual Reports (2002–2018).5


To leverage its strategic and comparative advantages, the AfDB will need to consider its standing vis-à-vis other development actors and pose a series of questions: What is the AfDB’s comparative advantage over other MDBs like the World Bank? How should the AfDB collaborate with other MDBs to identify collective priorities and divide responsibilities? How will it handle other influential actors on the continent?

AfDB’s Role vis-à-vis Multilateral Partners

The AfDB has unique value in the region in relation to U.S. aid agencies, other bilateral organizations, and the World Bank Group. First, the AfDB has a long history of working in the continent with strong expertise and convening power. Second, it has local presence with 35 country offices in the region that are closely aligned with local conditions and realities. Third, the AfDB is viewed more as a peer than a donor to many African governments. The AfDB has a critical role to play as a leading regional institution and a trusted advisor.

It is worth considering how the AfDB and other development institutions currently collaborate and what the division of labor among these institutions should be. Many development institutions often have overlapping projects that spread across multiple sectors. There is an opportunity for the AfDB to collaborate more closely with the World Bank in areas such as strengthening the enabling environment for private sector growth, promoting macroeconomic and political stability and rule of law.

It is worth considering how the AfDB and World Bank currently collaborate and what the division of labor among these institutions should be.

AfDB’s Role vis-à-vis Bilateral Partners

In addition to the MDBs, specific bilateral partners have contributed to Africa’s development through official development assistance (ODA), also known as foreign aid. The United States, for example, has funneled billions of U.S. dollars into Africa for several decades. One of the largest and most successful U.S. assistance programs to Africa is the U.S. President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, also known as PEPFAR. The U.S. response to communicable diseases in these nations has saved more than 16 million people and greatly reduced the incidence of HIV/AIDS. PEPFAR has gone from investing a little over $2 billion in 2004 to just under $7 billion in 2017. These efforts have helped reduce disease-related (particularly HIV/AIDS) mortality rates over the years in many African countries such as Ethiopia and Burundi. Their transformative strategies have also helped in the containment and management of outbreaks.

As conditions continue to improve, it may be appropriate in certain contexts for country governments to begin to take over the financing of basic health. In these circumstances, the United States should reassess its position around the current demands of these countries. It is becoming more common for emerging markets and governments that are better equipped to provide for their own basic needs (including healthcare and education). As governments begin to “pick up the tab” for their own basic bodog casino services, it creates space for the United States and other partners to transition to projects focused on other areas such as infrastructure, higher education, or agricultural productivity.

Infrastructure will be a key priority sector for coordination activities across development actors. The infrastructure financing gap in Africa is hindering many countries from expanding trade and private sector development. Programs such as USAID’s Power Africa, which through its 117 power projects has facilitated and increased access to power to unserved communities.

China has become a big player in infrastructure development in the continent. It is the largest provider of bilateral loans in sub-Saharan Africa and many countries risk being trapped into unsuitable debt situations, if they do not receive valuable alternatives for financing critical development projects. One example of China’s financing monopoly is the Standard Gauge Railway station, which was financed, built, and is now operated by China in Nairobi—one of the largest infrastructure projects in the country. Overall, Kenya owes China $5.3 billion. Certain standards, norms, and basic requirements of governments create a level playing field for donors and governments. The AfDB has a role to play in ensuring that these standards are upheld and reinforced in the countries where they operate.

Future Directions of the AfDB

The AfDB has a unique role and comparative advantage with respect to other development organizations in the region. As such, the AfDB should focus on leveraging its reputation as a trusted partner, its local presence, its ability to convene, its knowledge and expertise, and its flexibility to adapt to changing circumstances. The comparative advantages of the AfDB help make the case for i) reforming the ownership structure, ii) creating a better division of labor with other donors, and iii) refocusing the AfDB’s strategic sectors.

REFORMING AFDB’S OWNERSHIP STRUCTURE

Currently, the AfDB’s ownership structure is “cooperative,” which means that it is pulled in multiple directions by African and non-African member nations, making it more difficult to set a priority agenda. The current governance structure gives greater ownership or voting power to borrowers in operational decisions of the AfDB. Given the cooperative structure, non-borrowers do not have as much influence or control and tend to rely on exercising their influence through voice and working together rather than through their votes. The AfDB should revisit its voting and ownership structure in order to strategically
respond to the shifting development landscape in Africa and to create incentives for donors or “creditors” to provide additional resources to the AfDB for its activities when they seek a capital increase. The AfDB should also reconsider the position of their large non-regional shareholders within the bank, which are becoming increasingly vocal about the disproportionately small voting power they hold compared to their large contributions to the AfDB. If they are willing to pay, they should have a larger set of shares in the bank. This will be an important factor for shareholders to discuss with AfDB management as the AfDB seeks its next capital increase.

AVOIDING DUPLICATION AND CREATING A BETTER DIVISION OF LABOR WITH OTHER DEVELOPMENT PARTNERS

The AfDB also works on a wide range of issues, which increases the chances of duplicate programs with other development actors and stretches its capacity. Some overlapping USAID and AfDB programs include the renewable energy and power access projects that are ongoing in the same countries under the auspices of these two actors (e.g., AfDB’s “The Ethiopia Renewable Energy Program I (EREP-I)” project and USAID’s “Power Africa” and “Scaling Off Grid Energy” projects in the same areas).

The AfDB should also seek a better division of labor with the World Bank. In 2018, the AfDB amassed approximately $10.3 billion (7.4 billion UA) in co-financing investments from multiple institutions including the World Bank. These institutions should seek to complement their roles in different programs rather than overlap: this would avoid inefficiencies, conflicts of interest or diluting resources.

REFOCUSING THE AFDB INTO KEY STRATEGIC AREAS

If the AfDB were to specialize in a narrower set of strategic priorities, it would enhance its impact and credibility.

Promoting Regional Stability

As a locally trusted partner by many governments, the AfDB is an asset to nations handling internal conflict and violence. The AfDB can better support fragile and post-conflict states through their Transition Support Facility by rebuilding the social contract between governments and civil society with a degree of trust that other MDBs do not possess. The AfDB can build on advising governments on how to create conditions for a stable and conflict-free society.

Providing Capacity Building for Structuring Deals

The World Bank Doing Business 2019 report highlighted that several countries in sub-Saharan Africa have made noteworthy reforms related to incentivizing private sector development. The AfDB could play a larger role in strengthening institutions and, through its private sector lending arm, mobilize private capital into the region.

In this regard, one of the AfDB’s most effective tools is the legal expertise that it provides to structure and negotiate commercial transactions. This expertise could be scaled to ensure these countries are receiving the best deal for their financial input. Legal support is only a small part of the AfDB’s operations which it contributes through the African Legal Support Facility (ALSF). The AfDB contributed a total of $17.5 million in 2017 to ALSF, but it heavily depends on funding from Canada, Germany, the United Kingdom, and other friends of Africa—the United States is a less prominent partner in it and perhaps should consider further supporting its mission. Legal expertise on the structuring and the negotiation of deals could create a virtuous cycle of investment for numerous African countries. Furthermore, this expertise can serve as an opportunity to teach technical experts in-country who can carry on the work that the AfDB initiates.

Enabling Private Sector Jobs to Meet the Youth Bulge

In the next decade, Africa’s youth bulge is predicted to increase to 100 million youth (15-24 years old). However, a mismatch exists between the growing youth population and the opportunities available for work. In 2017 in Nigeria, there were more than 4 million unemployed post-secondary graduates. An effective way to fix this disparity is to generate an environment conducive to firm growth and entrepreneurship to provide employment for the burgeoning youth population. The AfDB’s 2016 Jobs for Youth in Africa Strategy (JfYA) seeks to address this problem by catalyzing private sector investment to create a new entrepreneurial ecosystem. The bank will, for example, launch a series of Private Sector Challenge Prizes to incentivize private sector actors to create market-based solutions for Africa’s youth unemployment gap. The AfDB will accomplish this by providing on-lending to Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs), guarantees to financial institutions, or linking the two through credit lines to boost investment. Other private sector actors are also taking initiatives towards employing Africa youth. The Mastercard Foundation is funding a project in Uganda entitled DYNAMIC. The project supports disadvantaged youth by offering access to financial services and skill-building opportunities and providing markets that will enable this youth to find entry-level jobs or pursue entrepreneurial interests in agricultural value chains.

Focusing on “Reliable” Energy

Over recent years, the European Union and the World Bank have chosen to focus their investments on renewable energies and green funds, which has put pressure on the AfDB to put more emphasis on
renewables. Accordingly, the AfDB increased its focus on renewables, and 100 percent of its new lending in energy went to renewables in 2017, compared with 14 percent in 2015. The AfDB, which specializes in developing micro-grids and traditional power grid transmissions, has readily focused more of its portfolio solely on renewables and largely divested from coal. However, renewables are often criticized for their lack of reliability and scale compared to non-renewable energy sources such as natural gas. The AfDB should push back against the non-regional members on focusing entirely on renewable energy because many AfDB regional members have both hydro and natural gas potential that is untapped. A more balanced approach to energy involving both renewables (with a focus on hydroelectricity) and non-renewables (with an emphasis on natural gas) should be adopted in the short run.

Conclusion: Supporting the AfDB’s Capital Increase

The AfDB will continue to play a critical role for development in the region in the years to come. Yet it is operating in a regional environment that has evolved significantly in the past 30 years and as such, needs to rethink its role to be more effective.

In order to meet the goals of the “High 5 Goals” and keep up with the pace of change in these countries, the AfDB will require financial support from its shareholders. The AfDB is currently on its way to negotiating a seventh general capital increase to help achieve the five priorities it has set out. The previous capital increase was in 2010, when shareholders endorsed tripling the AfDB’s capital resources to $100 billion. It is still too early in the negotiations to know the amount of the next increase, when it will happen, or what shareholders of the AfDB will prioritize—details that will likely become public in the coming months.

The AfDB will need approval for a capital increase from the United States, which is its largest non-regional shareholder. There are several reasons why the United States might support a capital increase for the AfDB. First, the AfDB has proved its capacity to leverage its current balance sheet. The AfDB has published evaluations that reflect how it has delivered on its commitments in each capital increase. Second, the United States has a good relationship with the AfDB and, in turn, the AfDB is more sympathetic to the national bodog casino security and economic interests of the United States, especially issues concerning fragility, global pandemics, and migration. Third, as African countries begin to move up the development ladder, the United States has a geostrategic interest in expanding trade and business transactions with the continent as well as a continued national security interest in countering violent extremism and forced migration in Africa. The AfDB could be instrumental in developing the African private sector. At the same time the United States should seek some increases in its shares in exchange for more money.

The AfDB’s seventh general capital increase request to shareholders is a critical opportunity to consolidate some of these changes and reevaluate the AfDB’s position vis-à-vis other development actors in Africa. The AfDB can do more for Africa’s development if it places greater focus on a reduced number of strategic priorities. Moreover, the AfDB will need to think about how it can leverage its assets and collaborate more closely with other development organizations operating in the region. The challenges facing the continent require a concerted effort and coordination by country governments, the private sector, and development partners to utilize existing tools, develop new approaches, and create lasting partnerships that will build prosperity for the future.
 
Daniel F. Runde is senior vice president, director of the Projects on Prosperity and Development (PPD) and U.S. Leadership in Development (USLD) and holds the William A. Schreyer Chair in Global Analysis at CSIS.

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1CSIS released a short paper on the IDB December 2018 and on the World Bank in March 2018. Several points made in the IDB short paper emerged as a common theme in discussions around the AfDB as well. The role of the IDB and AfDB in their respective regions is similar in a few ways: they are both trusted advisors to national governments and have local knowledge and experience in the region to advise on policies, regulatory reforms, and complex financial systems during negotiations with the private sector. Ad- ditionally, their roles as stabilizers in post-conflict and fragile states support the economic reconstruction of those areas while being an important information source for their partners like the World Bank. The fact that the AfDB’s budget is four times smaller than the IDB’s for more than twice the population clearly shows the disadvantages the AfDB will have to overcome in the upcoming years.
2Per the OECD, there are five dimensions to fragility: economic, political, environmental, societal, and security. According to the UN Development Program, there are 54 sub-Saharan countries.
3The six indicators are: voice and accountability, political stability and absence of violence/terrorism, government effectiveness, regulatory quality, rule of law, and control of corruption.
4Exchange rate for 2018: 1 UA = 1.39079 USD.
52018 data for China is not available on this database. Given the different uses of financial terms in balance sheets across their annual reports and different reporting mechanisms, it is difficult to make comparisons across the organizations. Furthermore, the data on China represents both the Chinese government, banks, and contractors (not including AIIB and NDB investments), http:// www.sais-cari.org/data; World Bank data includes loan commitments from the IBRD and IDA, https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/ handle/10986/2127; AfDB figures were converted from UA’s to USD with the respective conversion rates for each year, https://www. afdb.org/en/documents/publications/annual-report/.

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Bodog Poker|Welcome Bonus_Economic Development in Africa Report 2019: Made in Africa – Rules of Origin for Enhanced Intra-African Trade.3 trillion, the TFTA /atp-research/economic-development-africa-2019-intra-african-trade/ Thu, 27 Jun 2019 16:19:04 +0000 /?post_type=atp-research&p=16713 The African Continental Free Trade Area is a landmark achievement, in the context of the continent’s long and rich history, in fostering regional integration to unify the continent. The African...

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The African Continental Free Trade Area is a landmark achievement, in the context of the continent’s long and rich history, in fostering regional integration to unify the continent. The African Continental Free Trade Area will lead to the creation of a single continental market of more than 1.3 billion people, with a combined annual output of $2.2 trillion. The transition phase to the Continental Free Trade Area alone could generate welfare gains of $16.1 billion and boost intra-African trade by 33 per cent.

Realizing the full potential gains from the African Continental Free Trade Area will require a broad range of complementary policies, to address multiple challenges, designed to enhance an emerging trade–industrialization nexus on the continent: from business and trade facilitation to infrastructure, from productive capacities to entrepreneurship policies. But, under the African Continental Free Trade Area, it is the rules of origin – establishing the nationality of products produced in Africa – that will determine whether preferential trade liberalization can be a game changer for Africa’s industrialization.

How these rules are designed, enforced and verified will critically determine the size and distribution of the economic gains from the African Continental Free Trade Area, and will shape the future regional value chains on the continent. How lenient, flexible, easy to use and understand and accessible rules of origin are will shape the net benefits to the African private sector under the African Continental Free Trade Area. African countries should also consider the differing levels of productive capacities and competitiveness of African countries when enforcing rules of origin. Policies are needed to build institutional capacities of customs authorities to ensure impartial, transparent and predictable implementation of agreed rules of origin. New and emerging technologies must also be leveraged to lower compliance costs for the private sector.

The African Continental Free Trade Area is Africa’s renewed opportunity to steer its economic relations away from a reliance on external donors, foreign creditors and excessive commodity dependence, ushering in instead a new economic and political era focused on self-reliant cooperation, deeper integration and higher levels of intra-African trade. The African Continental Free Trade Area could boost African economies by harmonizing trade liberalization at the continental level, promote economic diversification and intra-African trade, and foster a more competitive manufacturing sector.

The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), as the leading United Nations body on trade and development, has embarked on this historic initiative with African member states to support them in exploiting the potential gains of the African Continental Free Trade Area. I am certain that this report will prove to be a valuable guide to policymakers as we journey along the road towards the African Continental Free Trade Area and beyond.

Economic Development in Africa ATP

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Copyright© 2019 United Nations. All rights reserved.

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Bodog Poker|Welcome Bonus_Foreign direct investment to Africa defies global slump, rises 11%.3 trillion, the TFTA /atp-research/foreign-direct-investment-to-africa-defies-global-slump-rises-11/ Wed, 12 Jun 2019 13:50:33 +0000 /?post_type=atp-research&p=16270 Continent-wide trade agreement bodes well for future investment in Africa and burgeoning special economic zones further buttress prospects Africa escaped the global decline in foreign direct investment (FDI) as flows...

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Continent-wide trade agreement bodes well for future investment in Africa and burgeoning special economic zones further buttress prospects

Africa escaped the global decline in foreign direct investment (FDI) as flows to the continent rose to US$46 billion in 2018, an increase of 11% on the previous year, according to UNCTAD’s World Investment Report 2019.

Growing demand for some commodities and a corresponding rise in their prices as well as the growth in non-resource-seeking investment in a few economies underpinned the rise.

While FDI in some large economies on the continent – such as Nigeria and Egypt – contracted, this was outweighed by a surge in flows to others, most significantly, South Africa.

“The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) agreement will bolster regional cooperation. This, along with upbeat growth prospects, augurs well for FDI flows to the continent,” UNCTAD Secretary-General Mukhisa Kituyi said.

North Africa

FDI flows to North Africa climbed by 7% to $14 billion.

Investments in Egypt contracted (down by 8% to $6.8 billion), but the country continued to be the largest FDI recipient in Africa.

FDI to Morocco increased by 36% to $3.6 billion on the back of sizeable investments in finance and the automotive sector.

Sub-Saharan and Southern Africa

FDI flows to Sub-Saharan Africa climbed by 13% to $32 billion, recovering ground after successive contractions in the two prior years.

Southern Africa saw the biggest turnaround, with flows recovering to $4.2 billion after net divestment of $925 million the previous year.                                     

FDI in South Africa more than doubled to $5.3 billion, although this was largely attributable to intracompany transfers by established investors.

Angola remained negative (-$5.7 billion), mainly as a result of oil and gas firms transferring funds to parent companies through intracompany loans.

East Africa

FDI held steady at $9 billion in East Africa, the fastest-growing region of the continent.

Ethiopia topped the region, even as flows to the country declined by 18%, to $3.3 billion.

Flows to Kenya swelled by 27% to $1.6 billion, due to investment in diverse sectors, including manufacturing, hospitality, chemicals and oil and gas. 

West Africa

FDI to West Africa declined by 15%, to $9.6 billion, largely due to Nigeria where flows plunged by 43% to $2 billion.

Flows to Ghana also dipped, albeit by a more moderate 8%, to $3 billion.

Looking ahead

Multinational enterprises from developing countries are expanding their activities in Africa but investors from developed countries remained the key players.

Based on data through 2017, France is the largest investor in Africa, although its stock of investment has remained largely unchanged since 2013, followed by the Netherlands, the United States, the United Kingdom and China.  

Growing demand and a corresponding rise in the price of commodities, of which Africa is a key producer, are expected to prop up FDI flows to the continent in 2019.

Closer regional integration aided by the AfCFTA can also draw additional FDI flows.

While investment in manufacturing and services is likely to be sustained, this is expected to be confined to a few countries in North and Southern Africa, and the emerging manufacturing hubs in East Africa.

Special economic zones buttress prospects

bodog sportsbook review The growing number of special economic zones (SEZs) could become another factor in drawing investment to the continent in the coming years.

There are an estimated 237 SEZs in Africa, some still under construction, along with more than 200 single-enterprise zones (so-called free points).

SEZs operate in 38 of the 54 economies on the continent, with the highest number in Kenya (61).

The three largest economies of the continent – Nigeria, South Africa and Egypt – all have well developed SEZ programmes.

Many smaller economies have only established SEZ frameworks in the last decade and tend to have fewer zones.

Stronger regional cooperation also creates scope for more ambitious regional and cross-border zones.

In 2018, Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire and Mali launched an SEZ spanning border regions of the three countries. Similarly, Ethiopia and Kenya recently announced their intention to convert the Moyle region into a cross-border free trade zone.

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Copyright © 2019 United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. All rights reserved.

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Bodog Poker|Welcome Bonus_Boosting Trade and Investment.3 trillion, the TFTA /atp-research/boosting-trade-and-investment/ Fri, 11 Jan 2019 14:14:48 +0000 /?post_type=atp-research&p=19346 The debate on the benefits of trade has dominated this decade, and Africa has cast its vote for more and better trade with itself. In March 2018, African countries signed...

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The debate on the benefits of trade has dominated this decade, and Africa has cast its vote for more and better trade with itself. In March 2018, African countries signed a landmark trade agreement, the African Continental Free Trade Area Agreement (AfCFTA), which commits countries to remove tariffs on 90 percent of goods, progressively liberalize trade in services, and address a host of other non-tariff barrier.

If successfully implemented, the agreement will create a single African market of over a billion consumers with a total GDP of over $3 trillion. This will make Africa the largest free trade area in the world. What is less known about the AfCFTA is that its scope exceeds that of a traditional free trade area, which generally focus on trade in goods, to include trade in services, investment, intellectual property rights and competition policy, and possibly e-commerce.

The AfCFTA is complemented by other continental initiatives, including the Protocol on Free Movement of Persons, Right to Residence and Right to Establishment, and the Single African Air Transport Market (SAATM). The scale of AfCFTA’s potential impact makes it vital to understand the main drivers of the agreement and the best methods to harness its opportunities and overcome its risks and challenges.The signing of the AfCFTA in Kigali comes at a time when the benefits of trade are actively contested, and global powers that traditionally promoted trade as a crucial driver of growth are now calling into question its very tenets.

This apprehension is not without cause. It is broadly recognized that, while globalization and trade produced the impressive economic expansion of the past three decades, the gains have not been fairly distributed. The World Bank population-weighted Gini index shows that inequality rose steeply between 1988 and 1998 and declined only moderately by 2013. Although global poverty has fallen, prosperity has not been fully shared.Can Africa do better with trade? The share of intra-African exports as a percentage of total African exports has increased from about 10 percent in 1995 to around 17 percent in 2017, but it remains low compared to levels in Europe (69 percent), Asia (59 percent), and North America (31 percent). This is an important reason to expect that trade will be a key driver of growth in Africa.

According to modeling results by the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA),1 the AfCFTA is projected to increase the value of intra-African exports. AfCFTA will be a game changer for stimulating intra-African trade. It is projected, through the sole removal of tariffs on goods, to increase the value of intra-African trade by between 15 percent (or $50 billion) and 25 percent (or $70 billion), depending on liberalization efforts, in 2040, compared to a situation with no AfCFTA in place.

Alternatively, the share of intra-African trade would increase by nearly 40 percent to over 50 percent, depending on the ambition of the liberalization, between the start of the implementation of the reform (2020) and 2040.2Recent evidence by ECA shows that when African countries trade with themselves they exchange more manufactured and processed goods, have more knowledge transfer, and create more value. In fact, manufactured goods make up a much higher proportion of regional exports than those leaving the continent—41.9 compared to 14.8 percent in 2014. The real test of the AfCFTA, however, will be how quickly African countries can accelerate export diversification and product sophistication and make trade more inclusive.

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